"Entirely an Act of Our Own," Women's Petition for Quaker Prisoners, 1778
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Hatcher, Patricia Law, CG, FASG. "Entirely an Act of Our Own," Women's Petition for Quaker Prisoners, 1778. Digital Collections. https://diglib.genpa.org/s/collections/item/20526
Hatcher, Patricia Law, CG, FASG. ""Entirely an Act of Our Own," Women's Petition for Quaker Prisoners, 1778." Digital Collections, , https://diglib.genpa.org/s/collections/item/20526.
Hatcher, Patricia Law, CG, FASG. ""Entirely an Act of Our Own," Women's Petition for Quaker Prisoners, 1778." Digital Collections. Accessed . https://diglib.genpa.org/s/collections/item/20526.
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“ENTIRELY AN ACT OF OUR OWN” WOMEN’S PETITION FOR QUAKER PRISONERS, 1778 by Patricia Law Hatcher, CG, FASG * p olitical actions by women were extremely rare in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The first such was a set of petitions in 1649 and 1650 that historian Mary Beth Norton calls “American women's first collective political action.” They were signed by a number of women in Dorchester and Boston, Massachusetts, asking the General Court of Massachusetts to remove restrictions placed on midwife Alice Tilly. The women’s petition was further notable in that the Court fulfilled the request, something it rarely did.1 1 was thrilled, therefore, to come across another such petition. As a genealogist, lam aware that items created by women are more apt to contain familial information than those created by men. Thus, before I returned a miscellaneous-manuscripts box at Friends Historical Library, Swarthmore College, I couldn’t resist opening the folder in it labeled “Pleasants, Mary et al, 4 mo 1778,” nor could I resist the next folder, labeled “Washington, George, to Governor Wharton.” Together they introduced me to an episode in American history about which I was completely unaware. The first folder contained a single sheet, a petition.2 As it turns out, this was apparently the second of two sheets, the first of which was pub¬ lished, with a slightly different version of this sheet, in an 1848 book about the episode.3 Patricia Law Hatcher is the editor of the Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine. 1 Mary Beth Norton, “‘The Ablest Midwife that Wee Know in the Land’: Mistress Alice Tilly and the Women of Boston and Dorchester, 1649-50,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, vol. 55 Qanuary 1998): 105-34. Ms. Hatcher is proud to be descended from one of the signers of that petition and collaterally related to several others. 2 Friends Historical Library of Swarthmore College, MISC MS; 1778 4mo; Pleasants, Mary ct al. The typed description in the file says “Representation of the wives of the prisoners in Virginia, to the Congress, Board of War, President and Council, and Assembly of Pennsylva¬ nia, read in Council, April 10th 1778.” The only provenance given for the document is a statement that it was purchased from Goodspeed’s October, 1968. The eighteen names on the petition are not original signatures. Pat O’Donnell, Friends Historical Library, believes the Swarthmore copy is in the hand of Miers Fisher. 3 Thomas Gilpin, Exiles in Virginia (Philadelphia: privately published, 1848), 279-80 [hereafter cited as Gilpin, Exiles in Virginia]. Gilpin’s version and the Swarthmore copy have minor wording variations, the names in the two documents are in different order, and the Gilpin version gives the date as “4th month 1st, 1778,” but the day is not on the Swarthmore copy. Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine Vol. 42 (2001) 145 146 [Vol. 42 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine |first sheet of petition, from Gilpin] To the Congress, Board of War, President and Council, and Assembly of Pennsylvania. We, the afflicted and sorrowful wives, parents, and near connexions of the Friends in banishment, at and near Winchester, think ourselves bound by the strongest ties of natural affection, sympathy, and regard, to request you, that you suffer Christian charity and compassion so far to prevail in your minds as to take off the bonds of those innocent and oppressed Friends, and entreat you not let the ruin of such, who have evidenced their strong attachment to their native country, and a benevolent disposition to mankind in general, to lie at the door of a people professing the tender and compassionate religion of Christ, one of whose excellent precepts was, "Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.” [verso of petition, from Swarthmore copy] A parcel [i.e., letter] of afflicted & sorrowful Quakers to Congress [body of petition, from Swarthmore copy] The melancolly account we have lately received of the Indisposition of our Beloved Husbands and Children and that the awfull missinger Death had made an inroad on one of their number to the unspeakable grief & Irreparable Loss of an Amiable Wife and children hath deeply affected our minds, & divers of our families are In a distressed situation We therefore ardently desire you to no doubt many of you have Wives and tender make the case your own children and must know that in the time of trial and distress none are so proper to alleviate & bear apart of the Burthen as their affectionate Husbands. We firmly AbelieveA these our Dear friends are Clear and Innocent of the charges alledged against them which they for themselves and thefir fri]ends for them have fully answered; and that they are now suffering for a st[eady and firm adherjance to their Innoffensive & peacible principles. This application to you on this interesting subject is Entirely An Act of our Own, we have not Consulted our absent friends on the occation hoping and believing it will not be of disservice and Request you will take no offence at the And that freedom of Women so deeply Interested as we are in this matter divine Benevolence may so Influence your Hearts as to Grant our Earnest Request in which we doubt not you will find true peace in the Hour of Retribution, & it will be an Inexpresseable satisfaction to you. Suffering & Sorrowful Friends — — — Mary Pleasants Mary Brown Eliz* Smith Eliza Jervis Isabella Afflick Sarah Fisher Rachel Hunt Esther Fisher Hannah Pemberton Eliza Drinker Phebe Pemberton Susana Jones Mary Pemberton Rebecca Jarvis Mary Eddy Sarah Pennington Rachel Wharton Sarah R. Fisher N.B. This Address was signed In Philadelphia and sent by Susana Jones, Phebe Pemberton, Mary Pleasants, & Eliza Drinker 4 mo 17784 4 Interlined text indicated with carats (A). Text lost in the folds supplied from Gilpin version; portions of many letters can be seen and are consistent with the Gilpin version. The text of the petition sheet is used with the permission of Friends Historical Library of Swarthmore College. 2001] Women 's Petition for Quaker Prisoners, 1778 147 I was intrigued, Quakers imprisoned? This incident certainly wasn't in my history books. Clearly these eighteen women knew their action was atypical, to “request you will take no offence at the freedom of Women.” The Swarthmore miscellaneous manuscript folders are chronological and, by chance, the second folder, which contained a single large sheet with several documents, revealed the next piece of the saga.5 Contrary to the label on the file tab, one of the letters was not from George Washing¬ ton to Thomas Wharton. It was from a woman, Mary Pemberton, to George Washington. Philadelphia] the 31st of the 3d mo: 1778 Esteemed Friend The Pressing necessity of an application to thee where Perhaps thy other Engagements of Importance may by it be Interrupted, I hope will Plead my excuse. It is in behalf of my self and the rest of the Suffering and Afflicted Parents, Wives and near Connections of our beloved husbands now in Banishment at Winchester, what adds to our Distress, in this sorrowful Circumstance is the acc[oun]t we have lately received of the removal of one of them by Death, and that divers of them are much Indisposed, and as we find they are in want of the necessarys Proper for Sick People we desire the Favour of General Washington to grant a Protection for One or More Waggons, and for the Persons we may Employ to go with them In order That they may be accommodated with what is suitable, for which we shall be much Obliged to him. sign’d in behalf of the whole by Mary Pemberton The letters from General Washington to Governor Wharton indicate that several of the women—with the wagons—had managed to persuade the guards to let them proceed all the way to Washington's quarters at Valley Forge. Head Quarters Valley Forge April 5th 1778 Sir, I take the liberty to enclose you a letter from Mrs. Mary Pemberton requesting a passport for some waggons to be sent out with articles for the use of her husband and others now in confinement. As the persons concerned are prisoners of the state I did not think proper to comply with her request.—I have assured her that I would transmit her letter to you and did not doubt but her application would meet with your ready concurrence. If you will be pleased to send the passport required to me—I will convey it by a flagg. The letter mentions one or more waggons—I dare say you will extend the indulgence as far as may be requisite and consistent with propriety. I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obed Servant G° Washington To His Excellency Thomas Wharton Esq. Head Quarters Valley Forge April 6th 1778 Sir, 5 Friends Historical Library of Swarthmore College, MISC MS; 1778; Washington, George, to Governor Wharton. The sheet is an uncut sheet from the Gilpin book, apparently lithographic copies of the original letters, each letter neatly labeled in tiny letters "Original in the Office of Public Documents Harrisburg Penna 1848.” 148 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine [Vol. 42 Mrs. Jones, Mrs. Pleasants and two other ladies connected with the Quakers confined at Winchester in Virginia waited upon me this day for permission to pass to York Town to endeavour to obtain the release of their Friends. As they were admitted by the officer at the advance picket to come within the Camp, I thought it safer to suffer them to proceed, then to oblige them to return immediately to the City. You will judge the propriety of permitting them to proceed further than Lancaster, but from appearances I imagine their request may be safely granted as they seem so much distressed humanity pleads strongly in their behalf. I have the honor to be Sir Yr most Obt Servt G° Washington To His Excellency Thomas Wharton Esq. Lancaster I was hooked. I had to know more about these events of history and the determined women who took part in them. The resources used were varied, dispersed, and required persistent digging— plus help from other researchers, each of whom added a piece to the puzzle.6 Sources were in a variety of formats— books, articles, microfiche, microfilm, CD-ROMs, and the Internet. Despite extensive inquiries, the originals of the petition and of the Washington and Pemberton letters have not been located.7 THE EXILES Although ignored in almost all Philadelphia and Revolutionary War histories, the Exiles, as they soon came to be called, were not unknown, and the women’s actions are mentioned occasionally in publications. During the Revolution, Quakers were viewed with much distrust in Philadelphia. Some did not support the independence movement. People suspected that their pacifist beliefs hid Loyalist sympathies. The city’s 6 The author wishes to thank Dr. Craig W. Horle; Dr. Joseph S. Foster; Laurie Wolfe, LL.D.; James M. Bcidlcr; Lloyd Dewitt Bockstruck; Kay Haviland Frcilich, CG; and Sandra M. Hewlett, CGRS; and Christopher Densmore, curator, Friends Historical Library of Swarthmorc College. 7 The label on the Gilpin lithograph, “Original in the Office of Public Documents Harrisburg Penna 1848," suggests that in 1848 these letters were in what is known as the Pennsylvania State Archives [hereafter PSA], which is currently the Division of Archives and Manuscripts, Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission and was formerly the Archives Division, State Library. Gilpin gave no source for the location of the petition, but implied it was part of the records of the Supreme Executive Council (SEC). It does not, Records of however, appear in the minute books of the SEC, cither published ( Pennsylvania vol. 11 [Harrisburg: State of Pennsylvania, 1852]) or manuscript (Records of Pennsylvania's Revolutionary Governments 1775-1790, RG 27, PSA, roll 2). Nor has it been found in the loose papers of the SEC (Executive Correspondence, RG 27, PSA, roll 13), where it might reasonably be expected to reside. In preparation for microfilming RG 27, loose papers were purged “because they had not been created or received by any of the to the revolutionary governing bodies” and were moved to Manuscript Group 275 ( Microfilm of the Records of Pennsylvania Revolutionary Governments 1775-1790 [Harrisburg; Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, 1978], 14), but this would not seem to apply to the petition or to the Washington-Wharton letters (to which the Pemberton letter was an adjunct), so it is more likely that sometime before the rearrange¬ ment and microfilming in the 1970s, the documents disappeared. Mary Pemberton’s personal draft of her letter, with interlined additions, is in the Pember¬ ton Papers on microfilm at HSP, 31:170. 2001] Women '$ Petition for Quaker Prisoners, 1778 149 position was not secure and some of the well-to-do Philadelphia Quakers were indeed favorable toward the Tories, which led residents to fear that the Quakers might actively aid the British, especially since they refused to sign oaths of allegiance, pay taxes, or accept Continental currency.8 Prompted by what was surely a faked document implicating Quakers in spying, Congress named twelve prominent Philadelphia Quakers to be arrested by the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania (SEC), who added thirty additional names, mostly Quakers with some Anglicans. The SEC searched their homes and made the arrests on 4 September 1777. The group was held at the Masonic lodge in Philadelphia, albeit with some freedom to come and go; a few who were ill were put under house arrest. Several prisoners signed an oath of allegiance and were released. While at the Masonic lodge, the prisoners published and signed several lengthy pamphlets protesting their unfair incarceration.9 From the time of their imprisonment to their ultimate release, the prisoners were caught in a bureaucratic loop. Congress claimed it had no authority to grant them a hearing or release because they had been arrested by the SEC, while the SEC claimed it had no jurisdiction because the arrests were ordered by Congress—and besides, the SEC was too busy to hold hearings. The 20 prisoners10 soon received word that they were be transported to Staunton, Virginia. 8 Robert F. Oaks, “Philadelphians in Exile: The Problem of Loyalty during the American Revolution," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 96(1972): 298-325 [Oaks, "Philadelphians in Exile”]. This was a major source for background for this section of this article and is recommended reading for addition details. The women’s perspective and dayto-day details come from Elizabeth Drinker’s diary, which has been published in several formats and will be cited hereafter simply by referencing the entry date (Elaine Forman Crane, editor, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 2 volumes [Boston: Northeastern University , abridged edition Press, 1991]; Elaine Forman Crane, editor, The Diary of Elizabeth [Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1994]; "Genealogical Gleanings from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker," Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine [called Publications of the Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania before 1948, both hereafter cited as PGM], beginning at 29[1976]: 266, which is a reprint of Henry D. Biddle, editor, Extracts from theJournal of Elizabeth Drinker [Philadelphia: 1889]); the original is at HSP. Additional background was found in Thayer, Israel Pemberton, especially 214-23. 9 The publications are reproduced on American Antiquarian Society, editor, Early American Imprints 1639-1800 (microfiche) as documents #15496-15501 (the last of which is duplicated at #43279). They were published on 4, 5, and 9 September 1777 (not all are dated) and bear such titles as: Israel Pemberton, ct al, “An Address to the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania by Those Freemen of the City of Philadelphia Who Are Now Confined in the Mason’s Lodge by Virtue of a General Warrant Signed in Council by the Vice President of the Council of Pennsylvania,” These pamphlets were reproduced—even translated into German— and widely distributed throughout the time of the imprisonment. The pamphlets arc signed by the prisoners, plus Phineas Bond and Thomas Coombe (Anglicans who were released before the prisoners were transported). 10 Elizabeth Drinker’s list, entered in her diary on 4 September, gives 21 names; it docs not include Owen Jones junr, erroneously names William Pike rather than Thomas Pike, and includes Phineas Bond and Thomas Coombe. The list in Oaks, “Philadelphians in Exile,” 307, footnote 32, has these 20 names. The SEC record of the release of the prisoners gives 18 150 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine Thomas Affleck Elijah Brown Henry Drinker Charles Eddy Miers Fisher Owen JonesJunr Thomas Fisher Samuel R. Fisher Israel Pemberton Thomas Gilpin James Pemberton John Hunt John Pemberton Charles Jervis Edward Penington [VoL 42 Thomas Pike Samuel Pleasants William Drewet Smith William Smith (broker) Thomas Wharton They paused at Reading for a few days, and their place of banishment was changed to Winchester, a preferable location.11 The Exiles arrived in Winchester on 29 September and were housed with considerable freedom. They reported attending various meetings and visiting Quaker families, and they exchanged letters with home. While they were making their journey, Washington’s Army was losing the battle to hold Philadel¬ phia. On 26 September the English began occupying the city. The removal of the heads of family caused considerable hardship for the wives and children left in Philadelphia,12 who soon after were also suffering from the British occupation. To add to the families’ distress, in December William Drewet Smith (an Anglican who had already signed the oath) escaped and accusations were made against Owen Jones,13 so Congress directed that the prisoners be moved to Staunton, an order it suspended in late January. In early February the Exiles were offered their freedom if they would sign oaths of allegiance, something they were unwilling to do. The men requested that their wives send additional supplies, as it appeared they would remain imprisoned for quite some time. As winter wore on, several of the men became ill. Thomas Gilpin died on 8 March, John Hunt lost the use of his leg, and morale sank seriously among both the prisoners and their families. THE WOMEN’S INITIATIVE In the meantime, the women determined to act. We can follow the unfolding primarily through Elizabeth Drinker’s diary. The idea began with Owen Jones’s mother. On 3 February Elizabeth says, “. . . mett Sucky names, including the two dead. It omits William Drewet Smith and Thomas Pike, who escaped. This Thomas Wharton was a cousin of Thomas Wharton, the President of the SEC, who had ordered their imprisonment. 11 Winchester was 100 miles nearer home and had many Quakers. The family of Hannah Zane, wife of John Pemberton, had a house and business interests there and made housing arrangements for the exiles, who had to pay for their own room and board. 12 Only three of the men were single—Charles Eddy, Samuel R. Fisher, and Owen Jones. 13 Owen Jones’s confiscated correspondence, which was related to currency exchange, is found in Executive Correspondence, RG 27, PSA, roll 13- Thomas Pike also escaped. James Pemberton commented in his diary, "In the evening I had cause to suspect that Thomas Pike had eloped, . . and sent "a note stating that our company considered that Thomas Pike had acted dishonourably." Pemberton described Pike as “a stranger to us until he was sent away with us . . (quoted in Gilpin, Exiles in Virginia, 208.) On 25 December Elizabeth Drinker wrote “Thos. Pike was come home from Winchester, I suppos in the same manner that Wm. D. Smith came; it gives me some concern, least their elopement should injure our dear Friends that they have left behind.” 2001] Women Js Petition for Quaker Prisoners, 1778 151 Jones in my return who told me her mammy wanted to speak with me; she intends to go before long to G. Washington, on account of her Son; she hinted as if she would like me to go with her,—which I think will not suit me.” But Elizabeth pondered the issue. On 7 February she confided: I have been much distress’d at times, when I have thought of my being still here, when prehaps it might be in my power to do something for my dear Husband; ... I hope it will please the Lord to direct us to do that which is right. it would be a tryal on us to leave our Young Familys at this time, but that I belive, if we could conclude on the matter we should leave, and trust in kind providence. On 14 March “I call'd ... at O. Jones, Susy full of the notion of going to Congress, gave me several broad hints, which I could not give into.” By 24 March things had progressed beyond hints, “Mary intends to visit our dear Friends at Winchester.” The next day, 25 March, they made a plan. PP. and MP. came to consult me about drawing up somthing to present to those who shall acknowledge our dear Friends as their prisoners; . . . our intention is, tho we do not yet say so, to take it ourselves, 2 or 4 of us . . . The women were anxious about the health of the men—the confirma¬ tion they received on the 24th (letters were arriving almost three weeks after they were written) of the death of Thomas Gilpin may have tipped the scales. There was much visiting back and forth between the families, reading each other’s letters, gathering supplies, and planning the trip and petition. On the 28th Elizabeth “had some talk about Susy joness going to the Assembly.” By 31 March, they were down to details. M. Pleasants sent for me before dinner, I went, she showd me a paper drawn up to send or take to Congress, she had drawn it up and her Mammy [her stepmother Maty Pemberton] had added something to it, Nics. Wain had also made out one for us, which was not approved—in the Afternoon O. Jones came to desire I would meet the rest of the Women concern’d at 5 o’clock at M. Pembertons, which I did, they were all there except R. Hunt, Hetty Fisher and T. Afflicks wife. . . . Nicholas [Wain] read the Address, and the Women all sign'd it—it is partly concluded that Sush. Jones, P. Pemberton M. Pleasants and E. Drinker is to take it—I wish I felt better both in Body and mind for such an undertaking. What we do not learn from Elizabeth’s diary is that not only was the petition carefully planned, the signers were planned. This became apparent to me only as I reconciled the lists of prisoners and finalized the sketches at the end of this article. With only one exception, there was one signer for each prisoner of the 17 remaining prisoners—the wife of a married man or the mother or sister of a single man. The exception is Charles Jervis, who was represented by both his mother and wife. Whether this was a misunderstanding during the signing or a problem in family dynamics, we’ll never know. While they were preparing, another blow struck. Rachel Hunt was writing a letter to her husband on 2 April and “flattred herself from some 152 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine [VoL 42 of the letters that he was getting better” when her friends learned of John’s demise. They decided first to show her a letter saying he was worsening, before breaking the news.14 That afternoon “Nichs. Wain call’d with the Address to congress for me to sign, Mary Pemberton had coppy’d it afresh with some small addition on hearing of the Death of our dear Friend, J.H.” The additional wording is surely that beginning “and that the awfull messinger Death . . .”15 Israel Morris had offered to go on the journey. On 3 April, the women met for dinner and agreed that he could go, “but [he] hinted that he thought it necessary that he should appear with us before Congress, which we by no means consented to.” There was one more day of polishing, “our address to Congress is to be wrote over the third time, as it was altred on account of the supos’d death of our Friend John Hunt.” THE WOMEN’S JOURNEY The women—Susannah Jones, Phebe Pemberton, Mary Pleasants, and Elizabeth Drinker—departed with the wagons about two o’clock on 5 April (First Day). They carried with them the petition and Mary Pember¬ ton’s letter to Washington. Mary Pemberton,16 Hannah Pemberton, and Owen Jones went with them as far as the ferry. The next day the four women and Israel Morris arrived at the American picket guard at Valley Forge. When I first saw the file at Swarthmore, I was amazed the women had gotten past the sentry. Many people approached headquarters every day, but passage was not automatically given, and brief detention while motives were determined was not uncommon. It was a week or two later, on the Internet, when I discovered they just might have had an ace in the hole. While looking for copies of Washington’s letters17 mentioning “Pemberton” or “Pleasants,” my search turned up entries in his diaries. 14 He suffered some type of leg infection. An amputation was done, but didn't save him. Oaks, "Philadelphians in Exile,” 323, footnote 79, states “Since the petition refers to only one death, it was obviously written around April 1, before the women learned of John Hunt’s death.” However, he apparently did not read Elizabeth Drinker’s diary nor possess a sense of the unfolding saga from the women’s perspective. Rachel Hunt signed the original petition before learning of her husband’s death, and her name remained on the new .copy. 16 Thayer, Israel , 230, states Pemberton that “Mary Pemberton (despite her seventy-five years) and three other wives of the exiled men now fearlessly undertook a journey to York to appeal personally to Congress in behalf of their husbands and friends. Reaching Lancaster, they applied to Washington for a permit to proceed to York . . ." The sentence has numerous errors. Thayer clearly did not read the letters, the petition, or Elizabeth’s diary carefully—and seems surprisingly confused about geography, apparently thinking that Valley Forge is located in Lancaster. Mary Pemberton—who was only 73—wrote to Washington, but did not make the trip. James Donald Anderson, “Thomas Wharton, Exile in Virginia, 17771778," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 89(1981): 444 [hereafter cited as Anderson, "Thomas Wharton”), similarly errs in stating, “Mary Pemberton, Israel’s wife, saw George Washington, . . 17 Washington’s letterbook, Series 3c Varick transcripts, are part of the George Washing¬ ton Papers on the Library of Congress American Memory website at <memory.loc.gov>. 2001] Women s Petition for Quaker Prisoners, 1778 153 Three years earlier, on 4 September 1774, George Washington had arrived in Philadelphia for the Continental Congress and dined at the City Tavern. On the 7th—three days after his arrival—his diary notes that he “Dined at Mr. Pleasants and spent the Evening in a Club at the New Tavern.” The editor notes that “Mr. Pleasants is probably Samuel Pleas¬ ants, a Philadelphia Quaker, who was married to Mary (Polly) Pemberton, a member of another prominent Quaker family.” On the 23rd, he “Dined with Joseph Pemberton.»18 Upon arrival, the women “requested an audience with the General.” A priceless reward of reading documents in detail is the description of their wait.19 —set with his Wife, (a sociable pretty kind of Woman) untill he came in ... it was not long before GW. came and discoarsd with us freely, but not so long as we could have wish’d, as dinner was serv’d in, to which he had invited us, . . we had an eligant dinner, which was soon over; when we went out with the General Wife up to her Chamber, and saw no more of him,— he told us, he could do nothing in our busyness further than granting us a pass to Lancaster, which he did, and gave a Letter to II. [Israel ] Morris for T. Wharton. . The SEC acted immediately on their request.20 Monday, 6 April 1778. A Letter from His Excell’y Gen’I Washington, enclosing one from Mrs. Mary Pemberton to him, requesting a Protection for one or more Waggons, & for the persons who may be employed to go with them to Winchester, to carry necessaries for the Prisoners sent there from this State; On consideration, Ordered, That a Protection be granted for Two Waggons & the necessary personal to take care of them, & conduct them to this borough, on their way to the said Prisoners. One hurdle passed, the group began their journey anew, spending that night at J. Vaux’s.21 Concurrent to the women’s actions, the bureaucratic Letters 50 (5 April to Thomas Wharton), 51 (5 April to Mary Pemberton), 52 (6 April to Thomas Wharton), anil 53(10 April to Thomas Wharton) mention the women. Additionally, a draft of the letter to Mary Pemberton is preserved in the General Correspondence. 18 Donald Jackson, editor, The Diaries of George Washington (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1978) 3:274, 276. Washington’s motive may have been to influence the Pleasants and Pembertons toward supporting the independence movement. 19 Elizabeth recalled the incident on 26 May 1802, “An Account in this evenings paper of the Death of Martha Washington, Widdow of Gcnl. Washington who departed this life the 22 instant—she appear to be an agreeable fine woman, [S.] Jones, Phebc Pemberton and M Pleasant and self, dined with her at the Valley Fourge when G. Washingtons Camp was there, the General and 22 Officers also dined there—we were on our way to Lancaster, when our husbands were in Banishment at Winchester.” 20 SEC quotations given herein are from “Minute Book of the Supreme Executive Coun¬ cil,” 4 March 1777-26 June 1779, pages 248, 251, 254; Records of Pennsylvania's Revolu¬ tionary Governments 1775-1790, RG 27, PSA, roll 2. Published in Minutes of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania in Colonial Records of Pennsylvania (Harrisburg: State of Pennsylvania, 1852) 11:457-58, 460-61, 462, 468, 472-732* Fatland (Vaux Hill), the home of James Vaux, a Friend who successfully maintained neutrality, was located on rich flood land across the Schuylkill River from Washington’s Headquarters. Henry T. MacNeill, Valley Forge Landmarks (Whitford: Stephen Moylan Press, 1958), 35 and map. 154 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine [Vol. 42 impasse broke. After tossing responsibility back and forth, both Congress and the SEC began to realize that keeping the men captive was accom¬ plishing nothing and was beginning to be an embarrassment. Timothy Matlock wrote to Samuel Allinson of Burlington, New Jersey:22 1 April. A Law has pass’d this day, requiring all Persons to take an Oath or affirmation of Allegiance to the State within a Short Time. The Penalties in Case of refusal or neglect are very heavy . . . The case of the Prisoners in Virginia has been very often mention’d in Council within a few Weeks past; tomorrow is appointed for a full Consid[eratio]n of their Case. I conjecture that they will be enlarged; & if this happens their situation will not excite Envy in the Minds of any considerate Person, as they must decide upon a question which will be productive of very important consequences to them & to their families. As the women were traveling, the SEC at Lancaster was acting. Wednesday, 8 April 1778. The Resolve of Congress of the 16th March last “That the board of War be directed to deliver over to the order of the President & Council of Pennsylvania, the Prisoners sent from this State to Virginia,” . . . Ordered, That the said Prisoners, to Wit: [19 names, including the two deceased men and William Drewett Smith, whom the SEC doesn’t seem to know had escaped] be brought to Shippensburgh in this State, & there enlarged; That they be informed of the Law passed for the further security of the Government, by giving to Mr. Israel Pemberton, or some one of the said Prisoners a printed Copy of the said Law for the inspection of the whole; . . . and that on their journey they be treated with the respect due to their Characters. The women heard of this action shortly before they reached Lancaster on the 9th. On their arrival—after drying off from their soaking after fording the several rivers on the way to Lancaster—the women “drove directly to Thos, Whartons door,” and “were admitted to him and a number of others, but desired to speak to him by himself— we had about lA hour conversation with him, not very satisfactory.” The next morning they visited three of the Councilors. . . . after the council had set some time, T. M. [Timothy Matlock] came for our address, which was signed by all the Women concern’d, he say’d he would come for us, when it was proper, but after above an hour waiting, he inform’d us, that our presence was not necessary, and put us of[f] in that way. We sent for Capt Lang who is one of the Guards that is to conduct our Friends to Lancaster, or any place nearer home, that we shall chuse, Shippensburg was to have been the place, but to oblidge us it was chang’d.” While the women sat in the “waiting room," the SEC had acted. Friday, 10 April 1778. An Address from the Wives and near friends of the Prisoners in Virginia, being read & considered; thereupon, , That the Prisoners now in Virginia be brought to this Borough Ordered instead of being enlarged at Shippensburg. 22 Timothy Matlock to Samuel Allinson; Haverford College Library, Quaker Collection, Allinson Collection #968, Box 11B, letterbook of Samuel Allinson [selected letters to and from him], 123-24. The text of the Matlock-Allinson letters is used with the permission of Haverford College Library, Special Collections. 2001] Women 's Petitionfor Quaker Prisoners, 1778 155 The prisoners had not received letters from the women when on 16 April Henry Drinker wrote to Elizabeth saying that the prisoners had limited news of the women’s actions, but no details of their journey and were somewhat baffled by it. He added My kind love to my Friends Susannah Jones & Phebe Pemberton & the Hospitable Friends who have rec[eive]d the wife of a poor Exile under their Roof.—A Query has arisen amongst us, who was the Spokesman of your Committee & whether you did as the Apostles formerly, depart from the presence of the Council rejoicing. Elizabeth finally confessed their actions to her husband 10 4th month [April], writing from James Webb’s, where the women were staying. It may appear strange to you, that no mention is made in any of ye many Letters which accompany this of the step which we have taken, or were about to take;—We enjoyn’d ye women generaly to say nothing to any of you about ye matter; least our leaving our Families and coming out so early in ye spring, might give you pain, . . . The women wanted still more. They continued to lodge in Lancaster (sleeping two to a bed) and pestered the SEC to get the release moved even closer to Philadelphia. Timothy Matlock wrote of his concern:23 15 April. Soon after the date of it [the law referenced in the earlier letter], Council determined to send two Messengers to Winchester to bring the Prissoners from thence to Shippenburg & there to enlarge them. This order was delayed, from motives not Unfriendly, so that the Messengers were not to have been sent off till fifth Day Morn[in]g—On fourth Day Evening Susanna Jones, Phebe Pemberton, Polly Pleasants, and H Drinker's Wife, attended by Israel Morris, arrived here to solicit the Liberty of their Husbands &c—On hearing of their arrival the Messengers were detained, and I waited on them at James Webbs that Evening;—they, next Morning Visited the Members of Council, and in the Afternoon sent in Council a Representation, signed by the Wifes & near Connections of all the Prisoners, requesting their Enlargement &c—In consequence of this, the former Order was amended by ordering the prissoners to be bro[ught] to this Burrough & Information thereof to be given to the Council;— this was, in my opinion, greatly in their favour, rather than enlarging them at Shippensburg, for obvious reasons.—They will probably be here in about two Weeks from this Time. These Women Fr[ien]ds have sent a Messanger forward with some Medicines &c—John Hunt is Dead, after undergoing the painful amputation of a leg above the Knee, a fever hav[in]g fallen into it—Edw[ar]d Pennington was very 111 when the last Acc[oun]t came away. The Zeal & Tenderness of these good Women are so great, that it is with Difficulty & strong persuasion they are restrained from making further sollicitation before the arrival of their Husbands, which would in my opinion be unfavorable for them. In spite of Matlock’s concern, the women persisted. Elizabeth says on the 21st, WT. Matlock came with our dear Friends sham release, and said 23 Timothy Matlock to Samuel Allinson; Allinson Collection, 126-27. 156 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine [Vol 42 that was the conclusion Council had come to, (of this order we each took a copy).** Tuesday, 21 April 1778. The Council resuming the consideration of the case of the Prisoners, which are ordered to this Borough from Winchester agreeable to the request of Mrs. Jones, Mrs. Pemberton, Mrs. Pleasants, and Mrs. Drinker & the same being fully considered, thereupon, Ordered, That on their arrival here, it shall be at the election of the said Prisoners to be set at liberty in this Borough, or at Pottsgrove in the County of Philadelphia. The first of the prisoners, Mary Pleasants' husband Samuel, arrived on the evening of the 24th. The others traveled more slowly. Elizabeth was so anxious that she wrote in her diary on the 25th, “I can recollect nothing of the occurances of this Morning—about one o’clock my Henry arrived ... all the rest of our Friends came this day to Lancaster.” Monday, 27 April 1778. Capt Lang & Mr. Bayly report, that they had received . . . the following persons, agreeable to the orders of this Council, Vizt: 1 Israel Pemberton, 2 James Pemberton, 3 John Pemberton, 4 Henry Drinker, 5 Samuel Pleasants, 6 Will’m Smith, 7 Edw’d Pennington, 8 Thos Wharton, 9 Owen Jones, 10 Charles Eddy, 11 Charles Jervis, 12 Elijah Brown, 13 Thomas Fisher, 14 Sam’l R. Fisher, and 15 Myers Fisher; and that the said Gentlemen were now in this borough, agreeable to the order of Council. They also report that . . . they had been informed by Alex’r White, Esq’r, that Thomas Gilpin & John Hunt were dead. Thomas Afflick, one of the Prisoners sent to Virginia, having obtained leave to come to this borough, in consideration of the dangerous illness of his Wife, being also arrived here, Ordered, That they be immediately sent to Pottsgrove in the County of Philadelphia, & there discharged from confinement; and that they be furnished with a copy of the order, which shall be deemed a discharge. NOTE, under the Certified Copy of this Resolve, given to the respective Gentlemen, the following Certificate was inserted & signed by the Secretary, Vizt: (A. B.) of the City of Philadelphia, Gentleman, one of the Prisoners referred to by the above order of Council, is hereby permitted, with his Horses, Servants & Baggage, to pass unmolested into the County of Philadelphia, agreeable to the said order, which is to be respected as their discharge. Mr. John Pemberton's tender conscience being hurt by the words, it “agreeable to the said order, &ca.,” the Secretary inserted in his Certificate the following, “and he is there to be considered as discharged." A pass to Philadelphia for Mrs. Jones, Mrs. Pemberton, Mrs. Pleasants, Mrs. Drinker, & for Israel Morris, who attended them, being requested; . . . Ordered, That a Pass be granted to the aforesaid persons, with their servant, to return to Head Quarters, & from thence to Philadelphia, if Gen’I Washington shall think it proper for them so to do. It would be nice to make the point that—as in the case of Alice Tilly— the women’s petition produced results. Unknown to them, the actions to free the prisoners were already in motion, but this in no way lessens the uniqueness of their initiative, planning, and independence. 2001] Women ’s Petition for Quaker Prisoners, 1778 157 THE SIGNERS The connections between most of the women and the prisoners are readily suggested (but not always provable due to common names). These were well-to-do, prominent families. Substantial information can be found in Quaker records,24 wills, genealogies, and family papers. There are two family clusters. Thomas, Miers, and Samuel Rowland Fisher were all sons of Joshua and Sarah (Rowland) Fisher; their sister Lydia was the wife of Thomas Gilpin; their sister Esther signed the petition.25 John, James, and Israel Pemberton [junr] were brothers, the sons of Rachel (Read) and Israel Pemberton [senr], Samuel Pleasants married Mary Pemberton, daughter of Israel Pemberton [junr] and his first wife Sarah Kirkbride.26 Additionally, Elizabeth Drinker was a cousin of prisoner Charles Jervis, her mother being a sister of his father, ISABELLA. ATFLICK Wife of THOMAS AFFLECK, married contrary to discipline by 2nd month [February] 1771. He had gotten permis¬ sion to meet his wife in Lancaster “in consideration of the dangerous illness of his wife, being also arrived here.” Thomas was born about 1740, buried 3 March 1795, age 55. Elizabeth Drinker calls him “Tommy.«27 MARY BROWN Mary Armitt, daughter of Joseph and Elizabeth (Lisle) Armitt; died 18 July 1825; married 9 7th month [July] 1761 ELIJAH BROWN, born 1740, son of James Brown; died 1810.28 24 Most of the uncited events below are found in the minutes of various Fhiladelphia-area monthly meetings. To find specific references, see William Wade Hinshaw, Encyclopedia of , Vol. Quaker 2, (Ann Arbor, Mich.: the author, 1938). Genealogy Pennsylvania , New Jersey 25 Fisher family. “The Joshua Fisher Family Record," PGM 13(1928): 254-55 {hereafter cited as "Joshua Fisher Record”]. Will of Joshua Fisher, 24 4th month [April] 1782 / 7 March 1795, names children Esther, Miers, Lydia Gilpin, Samuel Rowland, Thomas, and Sarah (Philadelphia Wills S:222). Anna Wharton Fisher, Genealogy of the Fisher family; 16821896 (Philadelphia: the author, 1896), especially 22-35, 41-53; many portraits. Samuel Rowland Fisher, born 6 September 1745, died 6 May 1834, married 6 June 1793 Hannah Rodman, daughter of Mary and Thomas Rodman ( Concerning Deceased Friends 1788-1878 [Philadelphia, 1879], 143-45). Ironically, his obituary never mentions the exile and extols the extent to which the business of Joshua Fisher supported the Revolution; “Joshua Fisher Record." Lydia (Fisher) Gilpin, born 4 May 1735; died 14 March 1807; married 13 December 1764 Thomas Gilpin, died 2 3rd month [March] 1778. Will of Thomas Gilpin “now of the town of Winchester, Virginia," 24 February 1778/17 March 1778, names wife Lydia, brothers Samuel R., Thomas, and Miers Fisher and sisters Hester and Sarah Fisher (Philadelphia Wills S:226); “Joshua Fisher Record.” 26 Sarah died in 1746; Mary was their eldest daughter. 27 Isabella (—?— ) Af flick. The name is spelled both Affleck and Affllck in records. SEC Minutes, 27 April 1778. Thomas Affleck, son of Thomas, was received from Aberdeen Scotland meeting in 1763- His burial is noted in The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker. Will of Thomas Affleck, cabinet maker, Aberdeen, Scotland, 7 September 1793/ 10 March 1795 (Philadelphia Wills X:210). 28 Mary (Armitt) Brown. Granville Leach, “Record of Some Residents in the Vicinity J. of Middle Ferry, Philadelphia, .. . PGM 9(1924): 47. Will of Christopher Taylor, 8 158 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine [Vol. 42 ELIZABETH DRINKER Elizabeth Sandwith, born 1734, daughter of William and Sarah (Jervis) Sandwith; died 24 11th month [November] 1807; married 13 1st month {January! 1761 widower HENRY DRINKER, born 1734, son of Henry and Mary (Gottier) Drinker; died 1809-29 MARY EDDY Mary Darraugh, born about 1725, buried 3 3rd month [March] 1788, age 63; married James Eddy in Ireland. She was the mother of CHARLES EDDY.30 ESTHER FISHER Sister of MIERS FISHER, SAMUEL ROWLAND FISHER, THOMAS FISHER, and Lydia (widow of THOMAS GILPIN), born 28 May 1734, daughter of Joshua and Sarah (Rowland) Fisher; died 4 February 1795.31 SARAH FISHER Sarah Logan, born 6 November 1751, daughter of William and Hannah (Emlen) Logan; died 25 January 1796; married 17 3rd month [March] 1772 THOMAS FISHER, born 6 March 1741, son of Joshua and Sarah (Rowland) Fisher; died 6 September 1810. She was pregnant when the men were exiled; their daughter was born 6 November.32 SARAH R. FISHER Sarah Redwood, born 18 December 1755, daughter of William and Hannah (Holmes) Redwood; died 14 August 1847; married 17 2nd month [February] 1774 MIERS FISHER, born 10 April 1748, son of J and Sarah (Rowland) Fisher; died 14 March 181933 December 1748/24 December 1748, names Mary Armitt, daughter of Joseph, under 21 (Philadelphia Wills C:94). 29 Elizabeth (Sandwith) Drinker. The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, Will of Henry Drinker the elder, 28 March 1808/ 14 August 1809 (Philadelphia Wills 2:516). Correspon¬ dence between Henry and Elizabeth is at Haverford College Libraries; a finding aid and biographies are at <www.havcrford.edu/library>. The original of her diary is at HSP. 30 Mary ( ? ) Eddy. Dictionary of Quaker Biography, Haverford College Library. They transferred from Dublin in 1753. Hannah Benner Roach, “Petitions and Passes," PGM 27(1971): 122, suggests the family were possibly Loyalists. James Eddy died 28 [«c] August 1769. Will of James Eddy, 11 June 1769/17 [sre] August 1769, names son Charles (Philadelphia Wills 0:4 10). Will of Mary Eddy, 15 February 1788/7 May 1788, names son Charles (Philadelphia Wills U:100). 31 Esther Fisher. She married late in life 3 August 1793 Samuel Lewis; “Joshua Fisher Record.” 32 Sarah (Logan) Fisher. “Joshua Fisher Record." Will of Thomas Fisher, 19 December 1806/24 October 1810, names wife Sarah, formerly Sarah Logan daughter of William, brothers Samuel R., Miers (Philadelphia Wills 3:263). Elizabeth Drinker to Henry, postscript dated 8 November. Fisher genealogy, 43-46. Letters between the Fishers are in the LoganFisher-Cox collection at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 33 Sarah (Redwood) Fisher. “Joshua Fisher Record.” “Bible Records," PGM 13(1928): 249-54. “Biographical Dictionary," The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 3:2148 incorrectly states she was the daughter of Abraham Redwood. The Redwood family transferred to Philadel¬ phia from the Newport, Rhode Island, Monthly Meeting in 1772. Will of Miers Fisher, 2 August 1814/ 19 March 1819, names wife Sarah Redwood Fisher (Philadelphia Wills 5:640). Fisher genealogy 49-53. Pastel portraits of Sarah Redwood Fisher and Miers Fisher arc on display at Friends Historical Library of Swarthmore College. —— 2001] Women ’s Petitionfor Quaker Prisoners, 1778 RACHEL HUNT 159 Rachel Hudson, born 11 6 month [August] 1723, daughter of William and Jane (Evans) Hudson; died be¬ tween 3 July 1792 and 22 August 1795; married as widow Rachel Jory 28 11th month [November] 1769 JOHN HUNT, son of Edward and Susannah (Titus) Hunt; died 31 March.34 REBECCA JARVIS Mother of CHARLES JERVIS. Rebecca Walton, born about 1712, daughter of Michael and Elizabeth (—?—)Walton; died 1791; married 13 April 1730 John Jervis, son of Martyn and Mary (Champion) Jervis, born 11 9th month [November] 1704.35 ELIZABETH J ERVIS SUSANA JONES Elizabeth Boore, born 1746; died 1780; married 1766 (she acknowledged marriage out of unity 29 7th month [August] 1768) CHARLES JERVIS, born 1731, son of John and REBECCA (Walton) JARVIS; died 1806.36 Mother of OWEN JONES junr. Susanna Evans, born 25 11th month [January] 1719/20, daughter of Hugh and Lowry (Jones) Evans; died on the morning of 4 May 1801 age 83; married about 1739 Owen Jones, born 18 9th month [September] 1711.37 34 Rachel (Hudson) Jory Hunt. On 30 5th month [July] 1742 it was reported that Rachel Hudson had married John Jory, a non-Quaker. On 31 8th month [October] 1751, Rachel Jory confessed marriage contrary to discipline. Will of William Hudson, 27 April 1762 / 10 August 1762, names daughter Rachel Jory (Philadelphia Wills M:333). Will of Isaac Hudson, 25 March 1765 / 26 November 1768, names sister Rachel Jory (Philadelphia Wills 0:301). Will of John Hunt, “late of the Northern Liberties, City of Philadelphia,” written at Hopewell, Frederick County, Virginia, 10 3rd month [March] 1778 / 1 August 1778, names wife Rachel (Philadelphia Wills R:78). Will of Mary Hudson singlewoman, 3 July 1792/22 August 1795, names sister Rachel Hunt (Philadelphia Wills X:3l6). Will of Rachel Hunt widow, 7 October 1801/20 June 1806 (Philadelphia Wills 1:512). Henry Drinker to Elizabeth Drinker, 31 March 1778. James Pemberton Parke, Genealogical Notes Relating to the Families of Lloyd, Pemberton, Hutchinson, Hudson and Parke (Philadelphia: Edward Stern & Co., Inc.], 1898), 71-72. 33 Rebecca (Walton) Jervis, The name is spelled both Jervis and Jarvis in records. “Sister and Billy, Nancy and Henry went to ye Funeral of our Uncle John Jervis, our mother’s Brother; he departed this Life on fourth day last . . . aged Eighty years and about 3 months” ( The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 5 March 1785)- Will of Michael Walton, 26 October 1733 / 4 January 1733/4, names daughter Rebecca Jervis, son-in-law John Jervis (Philadelphia Wills E:262). Will of Martin Jervis, 26 February 1741/2/ l May 1742, names wife Mary and son John (Philadelphia Wills F:294). Will of Elizabeth Walton widow, 3 May 1755 / 7 March 1758, names daughter Rebecca Jervis (Philadelphia Wills L:97). Will of John Jervis, hatmakcr, 30 December 1778/ 18 July 1794, names wife Rebecca and son Charles (Philadelphia Wills X:90). Drinkcr-Jarvis family chart in The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, unabridged version. E. C. Downing, “Jarvis, Sandwith genealogy copies of letters & documents (1641-1808)," handwritten, bound manuscript at GSP. 36 Elizabeth (Boore) Jervis. Drinker-Jarvis family chart in The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, unabridged version. 37 Susanna (Evans) Owen. The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker. Will of Owen Jones, 11 October 1791 / 5 December 1793, names wife Susanna (Philadelphia Wills W:670); he was buried 9 10th month [October] 1793, age 82. Owen Jones junr. married in 1780 Mary Wharton, daughter of Thomas and Rachel (Mcdcalfe) Wharton. Anderson, “Thomas 160 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine [Vol. 42 HANNAH PEMBERTON Hannah Zane, born 23 December 1734, daughter of Isaac and Sarah (Elfreth) Zane; died between 27 April 1809 and 29 July 1811; married 8 5th month [May] 1766 JOHN PEMBERTON, born 27 11th month [February] 1727, son of Israel [senr] and Rachel (Read) Pemberton; died 31 1st month [January] 1795 age 68 in Pyrmont, Germany, and buried there.38 MARY PEMBERTON Mary Stanbury, born about 1703 or 1704 in Philadel¬ phia, daughter of Nathan and Mary (Olive) Ewer Stan¬ bury; widow Mary (Stanbury) Hill Jordan married 10 10th month [December] 1747 as his third wife wid¬ ower ISRAEL PEMBERTON [junr], born about 1713, son of Israel [senr] and Rachel (Read) Pemberton. Both of them died within a year of his return to Philadelphia, Mary on 25 10th month [October] 1778 age 75, Israel on 22 4th month [April] 1779 age 64. She wrote the let¬ ter to Washington39 PHEBE PEMBERTON Phebe Lewis, born 24 11th month [January] 1737/8, daughter of Robert and Mary (Pyle) Lewis; died 22 8th month [August] 1812; as widow Phebe Morton married 12 7th month [September] 1775 as his third wife JAMES PEMBERTON, born 26 6th month [August] 1723, son of Israel [senr] and Rachel (Read) Pemberton; died 9 2nd month [February] 1809-40 Wharton," 447; will of Mary Jones, wife of Owen Jones junr., 26 February 1789/6 February 1795 (Philadelphia Wills X:184). 38 Hannah (Zane) Pemberton. Sarah Elfreth married 15 12th month [February] 1733/4 Isaac Zane; "Elfreth Necrology," PGM 2(1902): 172. Isaac Zane, almost 84, was buried 9 March 1794 ( The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker). Will of Isaac Zane, 6 June 1789/ 17 March 1794 (Philadelphia Wills X:43). Will of John Pemberton, 1 April 1794/2 July 1795, names wife Hannah, her Zane relations, brothers James, John, and Isaac Pemberton, niece Mary Pleasants (Philadelphia Wills X:267). Will of Hannah Pemberton, 27 April 1809/29 July 1811, names her late father Isaac Zane and late husband John Pemberton (Philadelphia Wills 3:46l). Memorials Concerning Deceased Friends 1788-1878 [Philadelphia, 1879], 54-70. 39 Mary (Stanbury) Hill Jordan Pemberton. Mary Stanbury married first Richard Hill; married second Robert Jordon. A Collection of Memorials Concerning Divers deceased Ministers and others of the People called Quakers (Philadelphia: printed by Joseph Crukshank, 1787), 386-89. Pemberton Manuscripts, Israel Pemberton Correspondence, Friends Historical Library of Swarthmore College. J. Granville Leach, “Record of Some Residents in the Vicinity of Middle Ferry, Philadelphia, . . . ," PGM 9(1924): 47; The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker on her death calls her “Our ancient friend.” 40 Phebe (Lewis) Morton Pemberton. Phebe Lewis declared intentions to marry Samuel Morton 28 7th month [September] 1758; (married 7 9th month [November] 1758). Lewis D. Cook, “William Murdoch of Philadelphia,” PGM 16 (1948): 66. James Pemberton married first 15 8th month [October] 1751 Hannah Lloyd, daughter of Mordecai and Hannah (Fishbourne) Lloyd; Hannah Pemberton, wife of James, age 30, was buried 17 4th month [April] 1764; married second Sarah Smith, died in 1770. Will of Robert Lewis, 2 March 1786/ 18 September 1790, names daughter Phebe Pemberton. James died 9 2nd month [February] 1809 aged 85. Will of James Pemberton, 11 May 1804 / 27 February 1809, names his late father Israel, brother John, and wife Phebe, daughter of Robert Lewis (Philadelphia Wills 2:446). Will of Phebe Pemberton, widow of James, and former widow of 2001] Women ’s Petition for Quaker Prisoners, 161 SARAH PENNINGTON Sarah “Sally" Shoemaker, born 23 June 1729, daughter of Benjamin and Sarah (Coates) Shoemaker; buried 4 November 1797; married 26 11th month [November] 1754 EDWARD PENNINGTON, born 4 December 1726, son of Isaac and Ann (Biles) Pennington; died 30 September 1796.41 MARY PLEASANTS Mary Pemberton, born 1738, daughter of Sarah (Kirkbride) and ISRAEL PEMBERTON [junr]; married 13 5th month [May] 1762 SAMUEL PLEASANTS, born Octo¬ ber 1737 Curies, Henrico County, Virginia, son of John and Margaret (Jordan) Pleasants; died 2 November 1807.42 ELIZABETH SMITH Probably the wife of WILLIAM SMITH. Elizabeth Drinker mentions meeting “Billie" Smith’s wife and reading the letters from the prisoners, and Henry Drinker mentions that William Smith received a letter from his wife on 5 November.4ÿ RACHEL WHARTON Rachel Medcalfe, born 21 February 1729/30, daughter of Jacob and Hanna (Hudson) Medcalfe; died between 1 December 1806 and 2 November 1808; married 16 No¬ vember 1752 THOMAS WHARTON, born 15 January 1730/1, son of Joseph and Hannah (Carpenter) Whar¬ ton; died winter of 1782.44 Samuel Morton, 10 October 1811 / 31 August 1812 (Philadelphia Wills 4:183). Dictionary of Quaker Biography, Haverford College Library. Pemberton Manuscripts, Account of James Pemberton and James Pemberton Correspondence, Friends Historical Library of Swarthmorc College. Sarah (Shoemaker) Pennington. Thewas a Diary of Elizabeth Drinker. Her brother prominent Loyalist. Benjamin Shoemaker died 25 6th month [June] 1767 age 63- Will of Benjamin Shoemaker, 1 October 1765/6 July 1767, names daughter Sarah Pennington (Philadelphia Wills 0:134). 42 Mary (Pemberton) Pleasants. Samuel Pleasants was buried 3 November (The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker). Will of Samuel Pleasants, 19 January 1805 / 7 December 1807, names wife Mary (Philadelphia Wills 2:207). Will of Mary Pleasants, relict of Samuel Pleasants, 8 July 1819/26 April 1821 (Philadelphia Wills 7:292). The Pleasants Papers are at Maryland Historical Society Library; a finding aid and biographies are at <www.mdhs.org>. 43 Elizabeth (—?—) Smith. He is William Smith, broker, in the Masonic lodge pamphlets and '‘Billie” in Elizabeth Drinker’s diary, where he is also broker. Henry Drinker to Elizabeth, 15 11th month [November] 1777. After the release, William Smith often called at the Drinker home, but there is no mention of his wife. 44 Rachel (Medcalfe) Wharton. Will of Rachel Wharton, widow of Thomas, 1 December 1806/2 November 1808 (Philadelphia Wills 2:320). Anne H. Wharton, The Wharton Family (Philadelphia: the author, 1880), 9, 12-13 Letters between Rachel and Thomas during the exile are in the Wharton-Willing Collection at HSP.